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  • The Good News from Iraq's Election Day

    Larry Kaplow | Jan 31, 2009 12:54 PM
    There are a lot of pitfalls in the path to Iraqi democracy. But they're getting the election part down. Today's voting to choose the leadership councils of 14 of the country's 18 provinces was orderly, safe and enthusiastic. As a reporter who's covered three before (not counting the one in 2002 in which Saddam claimed 100 percent support from 100 percent turnout), this election day lived up to its promise to show the best potential of Iraq. In any polling station you found thoughtful voters, like a distinguished architect or the relative of the Jordanian royal family, a retired Army officer, who now petitions for the preservation of the country's historic sites. The vote also showed the threats and echoes of the past, as displaced people struggled to get counted and some who've lost loved ones grappled with whether voting is worth it. And some of the novelty of past elections has been tempered by years of chaotic elected governments.

    The main points:

    -Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki called off the security curfew 14 hours early, almost like he was just showing off. It was a day of nearly total peace--one person died in a dispute with Iraqi troops in Baghdad and a few mortars fell without hurting anyone in Tikrit.

    -The U.S. troop presence was, unexpectedly, higher than the last election in 2005. As usual, the GI's stayed out of polling stations (usually schools) but this time they conducted conspicuous foot patrols, supervised Iraqi police checkpoints and staked out major intersections. This election was more Iraqi run than the others but American troops were more visible. It seemed that, with the withdrawal of U.S. forces on the horizon, they wanted to provide Iraqis with some visible psychological reassurance that they are still on the job.

    -The security presence overall was immense, the biggest I've seen. There were checkpoints every few hundred yards on the roads (western and local reporters, along with elections observers and emergency workers, were provided ID's and car decals allowing us to move through the empty streets in our little Nissan compact). We saw heavily equipped Iraqi commandos, national police, slightly ragged local police and Sahwa tribal gunmen in their market-bought uniforms--some with "Speclal (sic) Forces" patches on their shoulders.

    -The voting seemed more organized than in the past, despite the complicated poster-sized ballots. But turnout may well be below the towering 76 percent seen in the last election in December, 2005. Despite overall enthusiasm, many say they feel burned by broken promises from the last elections.

    With businesses closed, kids playing soccer on the empty highways and neighbors walking the streets to vote, the elections again took on a festival feel even as some noted that past votes haven't prevented strife later.

    In the Raghiba Khatun neighborhood of Adhamiya, a Sunni district long a stronghold for insurgents brought under control a year ago by tribal fighters, two neighbors sat in plastic chairs on the sidewalk as voters walked into the school next door and reminisced about the bad old days. "The people who used to target voters used to stand on that corner there," gestured Jamal Ibrahim Khalil, 43. "They parked their cars and waited for people, to shoot them." Khalil, a former physical trainer, voted for former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi's slate of local candidates, saying he had been non-sectarian during his short term.

    His brother Ismail Khalil, 56, said he was taking a pass, at least as of mid-day. His son was killed in 2005 when insurgents attacked the police checkpoint he manned. Khalil says he has been denied the compensation his family deserves and that he won't vote for anyone. "I'm convinced no one deserves [my vote]."

    But a steady flow of voters came to mark their ballots in the Muhej (Souls) Primary School, where a couple years ago the crack of nearby mid-day gunfire would send children hitting the classroom floors.

    There's more true politics in this election than in 2005 for three reasons. The big sectarian blocks have split and are running against each other. Voters can now see the names of individual candidates and vote for them instead of just opaque party slates. And they've had a few years to see their politicians in action.

    So they can make the cross-sectarian, mind-bending choices like that of genteel and deliberate Hazem al-Tak, a dapper 82-year-old and retired architect of major downtown buildings. He is a Sunni Muslim who, as you could expect, voted for a mainly Sunni list led by Iraqi Vice President Tariq al-Hashimi. But he cast his vote for a Shiite member of the list who was reputed to have stopped Shiite militias intent on attacking an Adhamiya mosque in 2006.

    Not everyone got to exercise their choice. Government bureaucrat Ala'a Mohammed Hassan, 42, and his wife, Asir Mahmoud, 30, moved to Adhamiya three years ago in flight from a violent neighborhood where they were Sunnis amid a large Shiite majority. But their names were still not on the local voter rolls despite their past efforts to register. When an elections official called their old area this morning, he was told they were not registered there either. Hassan worried it was a trick by poll workers in the old location to steal his vote. "Probably, someone else will vote instead of me [over there]," Hassan said dejectedly.

    Outside the school, the mood was upbeat even among those with the worst election day duties. Past the Iraqi soldiers and the metal detector in the street, were several Sahwa, tribal troops. They announced they were all voting for former Prime Minister Allawi, a popular figure in Adhamiya seen as a secular, moderate Shiite. They offered me some scrambled eggs from their communal breakfast plate tilted on the hood of a parked Mercedes. They joked about their dangerous job on the outer ring. "They tricked us," one said. "They gave us the first checkpoint." But, as neighbors attest, since the Sahwa started working, things have been safer. "Everything is good, no problems," they chirped in unison.

    It could be days before reliable unofficial results leak out from provincial centers and weeks for the final count. Prime Minister Maliki's slates appeared to be doing well and no titanic shifts were expected. Sunnis, who boycotted the last provincial vote, are sure to increase their representation. The internal competition between fellow Shiites and fellow Sunnis in homogeneous provinces should give the first significant indication of which ideologies, not just sects, are gaining popularity. If enough people feel they got a fair share, Raghiba Khatun could stay as peaceful as it was today.

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  • Iraq's Elections: The Match-Ups

    Larry Kaplow | Jan 30, 2009 01:31 PM
    Iraq's elections tomorrow are local affairs meant to choose the leadership of 14 of the country's 18 provinces. But the implications are national.

    Previously, Iraq's finger-inking electoral spectacles were largely ethnic referenda. The religious Shiites formed their big coalition and harvested the votes of their dutiful followers. Most Sunnis boycotted and those who did vote went for the big Sunni ticket. Kurds voted for a Kurdish list that conveniently tied up all the often contentious Kurdish factions.

    Not so in this contest over individual provinces, most of which are homogeneously Shiite or Sunni (the Kurdish provinces vote this summer). Now Shiite titans are facing off against each other and the divided Sunnis are in a free-for-all. The vote could finally show which parties have genuine grass roots support and whether certain ideologies are gaining ground, which will determine the alliances formed for the crucial national elections scheduled for December.

    It will take days to get reliable results and weeks to interpret them. Many candidates claiming to be "independent" are really plants who are expected to hitch up with bigger partners later when the councils vote to fill the powerful governorships. Here are some of the match-ups to watch.

    Maliki vs. Hakim: Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's Islamic Dawa Party and Abdul Aziz al-Hakim's Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI) have been the two Shiite powerhouses since they returned from exile behind American tanks. With Dawa the weaker partner, they have shared power in government and have previously ridden tickets together. But now they run against each other as they wrestle for control of Shiite provinces across southern Iraq.

    Maliki has used his incumbent power to cultivate tribal figures, setting up paid support councils and rewarding them with government projects. It's cut deep into ISCI influence and the contest has become acrimonious. Dawa, in general, seeks a strong central government while some ISCI leaders hope victory in southern provinces could lead to the formation of a relatively autonomous Shiite federal region across the south which could enhance the clout of ISCI's long-time ally, Iran.

    Secular vs. Religious: The clichéd wisdom is that Iraqis are tired of the religious parties that have dominated the last five years. Corruption is rampant and public services are still lacking. The national government and the local provinces are nearly all run by fundamentalists now, whether Sunni or Shiite. Some here hope the fundamentalists will lose ground, which would be good news to American and European observers concerned about women's rights and individual freedoms.

    While most expect secular factions, including ones backed by former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi and another linked to Ahmed Chalabi, to make inroads, they are not expected to surge. The religious parties are the best funded, most organized and draw support from the masses more concerned with stability than liberal freedoms.

    Old Sunnis vs. New Sunnis: Sunni provinces have been run by the factions that braved threats and assassinations to win the tiny vote totals during the greater Sunni boycott. Now the Sunnis who boycotted are in the game. They include bulk of the tribal leaders, with insurgent ties, who feel they deserve a place in power for turning against Al Qaeda.

    This basically pits against each other two movements that served American purposes early on in getting Sunnis in the government and, in the case of the latter group, fighting terror. If they peacefully divide power, it could be an important step forward. If the new Sunnis end up feeling cheated, they could return to violence or let Al Qaeda back in the door.

    Arabs vs. Kurds: In Ninevah province, Arab candidates hope to break a Kurdish stronghold on the council. Then they hope to use their clout to force Kurdish militias out of areas they control, all potentially combustible.

    Sunnis vs. Shiites: This familiar contest in mixed areas like Baghdad and Diyala is renewed with greater participation expected from Sunnis. Their numbers aren't great enough to win--Baghdad is probably three-quarters Shiite--but they can increase their representation.

    Insiders vs. Exiles: Most of the parties in power are led by figures that made their contact with America during their exiles. But parties led by Iraqis who lived through Saddam Hussein's tyranny are becoming more organized and could see modest gains.

    Sadrists vs. Shiite powers: The movement of radical cleric Muqtada al-Sadr has been disorganized and subdued since government forces pounded them in the spring. They are not running official candidates for the councils but have backed purported independents. Their success could show what kind of street support continues for Sadr, who is said to studying religion in Iran.

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  • How to Vote in Iraq's Elections

    Larry Kaplow | Jan 29, 2009 04:13 PM

    With security improving, the toughest part of Saturday's Iraqi provincial elections might be educating voters about how to mark their ballots. An attempt to explain a truly complex process: 

    The elections are for the provincial councils in 14 of the country's 18 provinces. The councils are powerful entities that will choose the governors, who control the police forces among other things. The Baghdad province council has 57 members. Others have as few as 26 members. In all, voters will choose between a total of 14,431 candidates to fill 440 seats. Candidates are grouped on lists, or slates, put together by political parties and coalitions of parties; there are more than 400 parties fielding candidates.

    The current council was elected in 2005, using a different process than the one now being implemented.Then, people could only vote for the entire list and the individual candidates were barely known to the public, in part because of the security risks then. This time, an "open" list format will let voters choose a slate and an individual they support on that slate.

    Having that many candidates makes printing ballots difficult. In Baghdad, with more than 2,400 candidates, a ballot with all their names could run to 60 pages. The solution: Only the slate names, not the candidate names, are spelled out on the large ballots. Voting for the slate is easy. You just tick the box next to the slate you want (which is shown with its electoral number, name and logo).

    If you want to vote for a particular candidate on that slate, it's trickier. To the left of the slate names are columns of boxes, each with a number. There's a box for every seat on the council. In Baghdad, for example, there's a box next to a number 1, another for two, and up to 57.

    You have to know your candidate's number on their slate's list so you can check the box by that number. To find that number, you have to scan a dazzling array of posters throughout the polling center that show the names of the candidates on each slate and what number they correspond to. For example, in Baghdad a list for for each slate would be on the wall showing the candidates numbered from one to 57. The voter has to find the number that corresponds to their preferred candidate. The voter then ticks the box with that number. Got it? To make this easier, some candidates are handing out palm cards that show exactly the numbers for the two boxes to tick for specific parties and people.

    You can vote for a slate and leave all the candidate boxes blank. But if you vote for a candidate and don't mark the slate, your ballot won't count. This makes sense. Say you just chose box number 10 on the ballot, that means you're voting for the 10th person on some party list. Unless you marked the party list you're choosing from, it's impossible to tell which person you are referring to.

    Tabulating the votes is also complicated. First, elections officials have to figure out how many council seats each slate wins. To do that, they look at how many votes were cast and divide that by the number of seats on the council. Say it turns out to equal 40,000 votes per seat, then a slate will get a seat for every 40,000 votes it wins. Or, roughly, if one slate wins a third of the votes, it will get a third of the seats on the council. The slate's seats are then divvied up based on who its biggest individual vote-getters were. If a slate wins just one seat, only its top vote getter will get to be on the council. If it wins two, the top two get seated. Complicating this a quota to help women win representation. Slates are supposed to make one third of their seats go to women (this originated with a clause that U.S. diplomats insisted be included in the Iraqi constitution).

    In most cases, the first seat would go to the top vote getter, who would probably be a man. The second seat would also likely go to a man. The third seat would go to the slate's highest vote-winning woman, even if she won fewer votes than some of the remaining men. (It does not mean women will comprise one third of each council, since many slates will just get one or two seats and give them both to men). Some provinces also have seats set aside for minorities, such as Christians. Those will go to the highest vote-getters within those minority groups.

    United Nations officials insist that such procedures have been used in other countries, including Germany, Macedonia, Spain and Bosnia, with success. But the system leaves open many scenarios that people here are just starting to figure out. For one, it tends to favor the established parties. People dazed by all the choices between parties with similar sounding names might just revert to the ones they're most familiar with. And many might just vote for a party without doing the extra math to choose their specific candidate.

    On the other hand, a very popular candidate could win so many votes that he or she wins extra seats that the party can use to hand out to others. And, yes, as in other elections, voters will have their fingers dipped in ink--about 88,000 bottles have been imported from India--to limit them to one trip to the polls.

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  • This Message is Brought to You By Iraq's Campaign '09

    Larry Kaplow | Jan 27, 2009 02:32 PM
    Ahmed Chalabi just sent me a text message. "Elect slate 274 now. The future is in your hands, Dr. Ahmed Chalabi, Iraqi National Congress, paid advertisement," stated the little script across my phone screen. It came just a few minutes after another Arabic exhortation: "Elect 302, the slate of Prime Minister Maliki, he who achieved security and returned national sovereignty. Paid Advertisement."

    With provincial elections on Saturday, the capital's blast walls, cell phones and televisions are flush with propaganda for the 2,455 candidates and hundreds of numbered slates running for the province's 57-seat council--the body that will choose a governor and make local laws.

    Just driving around town gives a taste of the campaign rhetoric. It's often not too different from the platitudes of American politics except that it's more wordy. "In order to achieve justice, equality and equal opportunity, vote for Rafidein, 504." "For the construction of a new Iraq," says posters for Abbas al-Naeimi, a television anchorman stepping into politics.

    There are unspoken subtexts in some. The posters for the slate headed by the mayor of Baghdad shows an apparently nondescript highway overpass and some unremarkable street scenes. But observant voters would notice them as examples of infrastructure rebuilt after terrorist bombings. On television, Ayad Allawi's coalition shows video of him speaking to the United Nations, a reminder that he was prime minister in 2004.

    Though religious parties are said to be on the defensive, apparently the list backed by the powerful Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq thinks Shiite references are a plus. "Peace on you, heroine of Karbala," says one of their posters, referring to the seventh century Zeinab, sister of the revered Hussein. Their coalition is called, "The Martyrs of the Altar and Independent Forces." The "martyrs of the altar" are Imam Ali, killed while praying in 661 and cleric Mohammed Bakr Hakim, killed by a bomber after prayers in 2003.

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  • Ryan Crocker's Exit Presser in Baghdad

    Larry Kaplow | Jan 22, 2009 03:51 PM
    U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Ryan Crocker, admittedly worn out from years on the intense diplomatic front lines since September 11, 2001, gave his last press conference to the Baghdad Western press corps today. He reiterated that America needs to stick with the effort in Iraq lest the country slide back into turmoil.

    Crocker came to Iraq in March, 2007, near the height of the country's violence, and can be credited with playing a key behind-the-scenes role in pushing along the country's turbulent political development as the military helped quell the violence. He noted that since 9/11 he has at one time or another been chief of the U.S. missions in embassies in Kabul, Islamabad and Baghdad.

    At 59 years old, he is headed for retirement in Washington state when he leaves his post next month. "My plan is to have no plan," he said, explaining that the "pace and pressures" of this job have precluded him from giving sufficient thought to his next move. He's reputed to have joked that he won't inflict a memoir on the public--but it could be a good one. He's been present for some of the pivotal moments in the region, speaks Arabic and Farsi, and probably has the best on-the-ground feel for today's Middle East of any American diplomat.

    He wouldn't say what advice he gave President Barack Obama in a call yesterday but his assessment with reporters was upbeat, noting Iraq's improved security and stability. Like other U.S. officials, he called the situation in Iraq "fragile" but said he would amend the phrase to "still fragile" to emphasize that progress has been great.

    But many of his comments stressed the need for America to keep working hard in Iraq. He said that among Iraqis, traumatized by decades of tyranny and the violence since that tyranny ended, "fear is pervasive." It implies that the factions are still distrustful and can find easy justification for striking out. It means that there must be a settlement over the ongoing questions of self-governance in areas disputed between Arabs and Kurds.

    On a subtopic, Crocker raised a point of growing concern here, the increasingly alarming problems with what the embassy calls "rule of law." This covers the worsening track record of the Iraqi government for detaining people without charges or for political reasons, intimidation of the courts, and the rampant corruption that undermines credibility in the system.

    He said he trusts Obama's commitment to a "responsible" withdrawal. But when asked what would be the results of a too-quick pullout he said it could lead the different sides to retreat into fear and start preparing their arsenals for another round of bloodshed. The effort to make Iraq stable is slow going. "There is still a substantial distance to go and I think that distance will be covered by chipping it out," he said. "It's going to be three yards at a time. I don't see that long touchdown pass." Later he shied off a question of what the war's legacy will be for the region. "We're at a very encouraging, hopeful point but not a culminating point by any means," he said.

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  • A Sheik's Take on the Obama Inauguration

    Larry Kaplow | Jan 21, 2009 05:00 PM
    Last summer when Barack Obama made his only visit to Iraq, he met one of Iraq's most influential and colorful sheiks. Sheik Ali Hatim watched the inauguration last night and remembered telling Obama that his schedule for pulling troops from Iraq was too fast and could leave the country again in chaos. "I don't want you to stay forever but fix what you messed up," he says he told the then presumptive Democratic nominee. "We will not abandon you," he remembers Obama telling him. The sheik's answer: "We will see."

    The sheik was among the Sunni tribal leaders who turned against Al Qaida, one of the pivotal points of the war. He and many of his peers in the now calm Anbar province see the American forces as protection against what they consider an Iranian-backed Shiite government and Islamist Sunnis. Speaking in his marbled, terracotta-tiled office in Baghdad, he gestured to a photo of himself shaking Obama's hand displayed next to an ornamental U.S. Marine sword. No fan of former President George W. Bush, who he believes paved the way for an Islamist resurgence in Iraq, he's withholding a conclusion on Obama. "Politicians are driven by remote control," he says, apparently referring to U.S. policies and institutions. "But as a person he is good."

    Sheik Ali, 38, charismatic in his red and white checked headscarf, surrounded by statuettes and photos of notable desert forefathers and usually smoking through a filter, is always a good interview and had other wry observations on Tuesday's big event: "You implement your democracy but we don't have it here," he said. He rightly noted that Obama's address, which he saw on Arabic channels with translation, was aimed at an American audience more worried about the economy than Iraq. He didn't find the opulence of the event inappropriate. "If Bush was my president and was leaving office, I would have a big party, too." And he noticed the hobbled Vice President, saying, "When Dick Cheney was leading his big companies he was running on two legs, now he leaves in a wheelchair."

    But the Sheik, who owns an extensive library of Hollywood movies on DVD and managed to work a Will Smith character into an analysis of the upcoming Iraqi elections, took a distanced view of the American transfer of power. "American politics are just like a movie. Each character plays a role. The hero. The villain. Bush has played the villain well. . . [but] there will not be a big change."

    After the inauguration, the Sheik viewed "Saw V." He recommends it.
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  • Who's Fooling Whom at Iraqi Checkpoints?

    Larry Kaplow | Jan 16, 2009 03:11 PM
    A local staff member for Newsweek last week was stopped for a search of his car at a crossing where Iraqi soldiers usually let people pass by unhindered. This time, there were U.S. troops standing by.

    He was met by a polite request. "Please pardon me if I ask you to open the trunk," the Iraqi soldier pleaded. "These Americans are looking at me and I don't want to appear lenient in front of them, OK?"

    It could be that they wanted to search carefully and were just blaming the Americans in order to defuse anger among the commuters they were delaying. But more likely, they were truly just raising their standards until they were on their own.

    The same kind of checkpoint chatter has been occurring around the capital and country for months as the coalition forces put Iraqis in the lead. Even checkpoints into the fortified Green Zone are said to grow lax when Americans are not within view.

    That's the difficulty in assessing the Iraqi security forces. They are adept at showing their American partners what they want to see. What's needed is that tier of Iraqi leadership–mid-level officers now in short supply–that will enforce standards among their soldiers.

    --With an Iraqi reporter in Baghdad
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  • Iraqis Win Reprieve from Fees for Missing Services

    Larry Kaplow | Jan 13, 2009 11:48 AM
    It's bad enough to have phone lines that have not worked for years. It's worse to get billed for them. In recent weeks, Iraqis have been getting visits from employees of the government phone company handing them large bills for phone service–their first bills in years. In many neighborhoods of Baghdad, landline telephones have not worked since 2003 or earlier (in part explaining the popularity of mobiles). I know two Iraqis who recently got handed bills for more than $1,000 for three years of theoretical service along with threats that liens would be placed on their property if they did not pay.

    The government water and electrical companies have followed suit, sending bills for those two derelict public utilities though home meters for both services are rare. Some water company collectors have taken to billing homeowners based on how many bedrooms they have.

    Just as frustration was reaching a peak, in stepped Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki. He announced this week that the government would cease any fee collections for telephones, water and electricity until the homeowners' consumption could be calculated "in what achieves justice." It's notable that Maliki and other Iraqi politicians are in a contest of giveaways leading up to provincial elections Jan. 31 and this could boost his popularity. Of course, he leads the government that was imposing some of the fees in the first place. And, as American advisers have often urged, making people pay for their services makes sense for weaning a country off its welfare-state habits. But considering the state of these utilities, removing the fees makes more sense right now.

    --With Saad al-Izzi in Baghdad

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  • A Harsh American Footprint

    Larry Kaplow | Jan 5, 2009 03:18 PM

    As a ceremonial and social event, the dedication of the new U.S. Embassy in Baghdad was an unqualified success. The sun shone on a cool winter day. Iraqi President Jalal Talabani expressed his gratitude for America's sacrifices to drive a despot from his homeland and Ambassador Ryan Crocker pledged his country's continuing support. But the facility itself seemed to dwarf even these grand festivities.

    This was my first good inside look at America's largest-ever embassy complex. I'm a mere layman when it comes to architecture, but the place struck me as dismal and defeatist. Maybe I'm missing something, like a new trend in rectangles, sharp corners and cheap metal sheeting. There are plenty other fortress-like embassies, some of which have caused debate in the past. But they at least tried to add an architectural flourish or two. This embassy, visible from large swaths of the capital, evokes rigidity and fear. Many compare it to a prison.

    Though badly battered and dilapidated, Baghdad is something of an architectural showcase. Local designers are known for putting modern twists on traditional Arab imagery--pointy arches, trellised balconies and colonnades. Famous European and U.S. designers, drawn by the regime's oil money in the 1950s-70s, built graceful, avant-garde stadiums, universities and government ministries.

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  • The Green Zone Goes Back to the Iraqis

    Newsweek | Jan 2, 2009 02:14 PM

    By Jessica Ramirez and Larry Kaplow


    There were no American flags in sight on the ugly strip of road near checkpoint two. The cold and bitter air only whipped at Iraqi flags that sat behind a podium where officials shared some final words on the formal transfer of the Green Zone from U.S. to Iraqi forces.

    The shift is part of an accord that Iraqi and U.S. governments signed last month. Aside from the Green Zone handover, it requires U.S. troops to withdraw from bases located within Iraqi cities by the end of June and from the country by the end of 2011.

    Among those that attended the mid-morning ceremony were Lt. Gen. Lloyd Austin III and Iraqi Defense Minister Abdul Qadir, who said in early 2008 that Iraq would not be able to maintain internal security until 2012 and protect its borders until 2018. They sat with other VIPS in a makeshift tent, which bomb-sniffing dogs checked twice before their arrival.

    The heightened level of security didn’t end there. There were several additional checkpoints throughout the heavily fortified area amid lingering concerns that it will continue to be a target as it becomes more accessible to Iraqi civilians. “Common sense says they'll probably test the Green Zone,” said U.S. Army Col. Steve Ferrari, who called the area a “symbol of Iraq’s sovereignty.”

    As for the Iraqis at the ceremony, they seemed filled with more pride than concern. An Iraqi marching band, dressed in red and blue outfits, played a few tunes on their bagpipes for the audience. They were followed by a group of young Iraqi children, who took turns chanting about their love for their country into a microphone.

    The Green Zone, which spans four square miles, is located along the Tigris River in Baghdad. Since 2003, it has served as headquarters to roughly 14,000 coalition forces and contractors and as a home to at least 16,000 Iraqis. For now, Iraqi forces are nominally in charge and learning how to man gates by themselves, but technically, it’s still being protected by U.S. troops and Peruvian contractors.

    Many of the largest American compounds, like the ones housing the U.S. Army Corps. of Engineers and contractor KBR also remain in the area. According to Ferrari, they have six months to negotiate their status in the country with the Iraqi government.

    On working with Iraqi forces, Ferrari says the army will only stay if asked. Until that decision is made, U.S. soldiers like Sgt. Ruben Hernandez, who served his first tour in 2004, says it’s nice just to see what a difference a few years make. “Yeah, they like me now, he says of Iraqis. “I don’t think we could say that then.”

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