A round-up of this morning's must-read stories.
CLINTON MEETS WITH OBAMA, AND THE REST IS SECRET
(Jeff Zeleny, New York Times)
For 17 months, they tracked one another’s movements like prey. But Senators Barack Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton
came together here Thursday evening to pull off a secret rendezvous.
They ditched their traveling entourages, eluded camera crews across
town and startled many of their own advisers as they held their first
private meeting since becoming archrivals for the Democratic
presidential nomination. It was a political scavenger hunt like
this capital had seldom seen before — at least in the current frenzied
climate — where the two rivals huddled at an undisclosed location. Only
hours earlier, she sought to cool speculation that she was clamoring to
be his running mate, but suddenly the city’s media was awash in rumor
as word spread of their meeting... Finally... a
joint statement was issued by representatives of the two senators, but
sent out by Mr. Obama’s staff. Those words, perhaps, were the first
cooperative undertaking since the presidential race began six seasons
ago. “Senator Clinton and Senator Obama met tonight and had a
productive discussion about the important work that needs to be done to
succeed in November,” the statement said.
NEW QUESTION: WHAT DOES HILLARY CLINTON WANT NOW?
(Stephen Braun and Doyle McManus, Los Angeles Times)
By this week, as her campaign lurched to an awkward close, Clinton had
embraced a strikingly different role: a defiant insurgent, a
spokeswoman for working-class voters who she said "felt invisible," an
all-too-human candidate who defined the historic moment's central
question as: "What does Hillary Clinton want?" Now, after her own friends stepped in to nudge her to cede the
spotlight to Obama, Clinton must change roles again, from tenacious
underdog to presumably gracious loser. That transition could start
Saturday, as Clinton holds a Washington event to thank her supporters
and rally them around Obama. Then she must begin the sober task of
charting a post-campaign career. Her
next chapter could include a role as Obama's running mate, although on
Friday she downplayed efforts to put her on the ticket, saying the
choice was Obama's alone. More likely, it will mean a return to the
Senate, even more prominent than she was before, to work on healthcare
and other issues she has long championed. And she may well begin
preparing for another run for president -- in 2012 if Obama loses this
fall, in 2016 if he wins.
ADVISER SAYS MCCAIN BACKS BUSH WIRETAPS
(Charlie Savage, New York Times)
A top adviser to Senator John McCain
says Mr. McCain believes that President Bush’s program of wiretapping
without warrants was lawful, a position that appears to bring him into
closer alignment with the sweeping theories of executive authority
pushed by the Bush administration legal team... Although a spokesman for Mr. McCain, the presumptive Republican
presidential nominee, denied that the senator’s views on surveillance
and executive power had shifted, legal specialists said the letter
contrasted with statements Mr. McCain previously made about the limits
of presidential power. In an interview about his views on the
limits of executive power with The Boston Globe six months ago, Mr.
McCain strongly suggested that if he became the next commander in
chief, he would consider himself obligated to obey a statute
restricting what he did in national security matters.
MCCAIN SETS SIGHTS ON DEMOCRATS WHO VOTED FOR CLINTON
(Michael D. Shear and Jon Cohen, Washington Post)
Republican Sen. John McCain envisions a November victory built in part around attracting a large number of the millions of voters who turned away from Sen. Barack Obama's promise of change during the historic Democratic primary campaign. Buoyed by polls showing a quarter or more of Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton's
supporters planning to back McCain, his advisers have already started
wooing the white working-class voters and women who made up the bedrock
of her coalition. They plan to echo and expand the former first lady's
critiques of Obama: that he is out of touch with Middle America and too
unseasoned to be president... Nonetheless, to succeed, McCain will have to upend firm partisan
voting patterns that have held for the past four presidential
elections.
In those contests, only about 1 in 10 Democrats cast a ballot for the GOP
candidate, according to network exit polls. In the 2006 midterm
election, 93 percent of Democrats voted Democratic in their House
districts. That party loyalty -- matched by Republicans' fidelity to
their party's candidates -- came despite voters' occasional
protestations that a nomination defeat would send them scampering.
THE DEMOCRATIC GAMBLE
(Ronald Brownstein, National Journal)
It’s difficult to overstate Barack Obama’s achievement in wresting the
Democratic presidential nomination from Hillary Rodham Clinton—or the
magnitude of the gamble he represents for his party... An insurgent
campaign inherently upsets existing arrangements and assumptions. It
trades the comfort of the familiar for the exhilaration and
unpredictability of the new. Obama’s campaign is no exception. He
offers Democrats new electoral opportunities with the enormous passion
and activism he inspires. But his hold on some voting blocs and states
that the party traditionally targets looks shakier than Clinton’s might
have been. Obama almost certainly presents Democrats with a better
chance to redraw the electoral map and expand their coalition if all
goes well. But, in a year so tilted toward Democrats, Clinton might
have represented a safer bet to accumulate the bare minimum of 270
electoral votes needed to win the White House. Compared with Clinton,
“Obama has a much bigger upside,” says Robert Borosage, co-director of
the liberal Campaign for America’s Future. “And a much bigger risk.”
I'M NOT TOTALLY SURE WE CAN
(Kurt Anderson, New York)
The problem for Obama is that three of the biggest northern
states—Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan—sometimes swing southern these
days. It’s practically impossible to see how he becomes president
without winning two of them. All three, not to put too fine a point on
it, contain blocs that bear a certain psychographic kinship with Civil
War Southerners—that is, insular white traditionalists who are
suspicious of the African-Americans in their midst and resent the
ascendant economic and cultural power of self-righteous urban elites.
Thus the Clintons’ argument that an Obama candidacy could founder in
these key states happens, alas, to be true. He is
apparently strongest in Pennsylvania, between 2 and 9 percent ahead of
McCain. In Ohio, the latest poll has Obama well ahead, but in the five
previous surveys, going back to early April, he was behind. In the
Michigan polls from May, he’s trailing McCain... So if he wins two of the
three big northern swing states but loses the whole Deep South, then he
has to prevail in Colorado (where he’s ahead), or take Nevada and New
Mexico (where the polls have him seesawing with McCain), or get lucky
and win Virginia. The paths to victory are there, and
Obamaniacal turnout among blacks and the young may push him over. But
by historical standards, it really would have been easier to piece
together a winning electoral map with Hillary Clinton as the nominee.
Politically, nominating Obama (as Bill Clinton said) is something of a
roll of the dice.
OBAMA REACHING OUT TO THE WHITE WORKING CLASS
(Kathy Kiely, USA Today)
As he begins the general election contest for
the White House, Democrat Barack Obama is targeting the voters he had
the hardest time winning in the primaries: those who are white and
working class. The Illinois senator told USA TODAY Thursday
that his appearance here in a small town on the Virginia-Tennessee
border represented the first stop in a 2½-week tour about economic
issues. The trip will also take him to several states won by his rival,
Hillary Rodham Clinton, during the Democratic primaries, including
Pennsylvania, Ohio and Florida. Obama laid out his campaign plans during an interview in the library of Bristol's Virginia High School. "What we're going to do over the next 2½ weeks
is focus on the economy, which is what is pressing on the American
people so severely," Obama said.
RACE ISSUE LOOMS IN ELECTION, WITH SHARP DIVIDE IN SOME STATES
(Jonathan Kaufman, Wall Street Journal)
Some argue that Barack Obama's background will hurt him among a sliver
of voters, perhaps 10% or more, who say they take race into account.
Others argue it may well be a benefit, boosting turnout and even
insulating him from some criticism. Sen. Obama has demonstrated his ability to draw
support among whites. There was his surprise victory in the
predominantly white Iowa caucuses; his string of victories in primaries
and caucuses after Super Tuesday, many in largely white states; and the
sight of 75,000 people, nearly all of them white, listening to him
speak in Oregon. But in states such as Ohio, Pennsylvania, Kentucky and
West Virginia, there was a sharp racial divide in voting, with blacks
supporting Sen. Obama and whites favoring Hillary Clinton by big
percentages. In those states, as many as 20% of voters said race played
a role in their decisions. An April Wall Street Journal poll found that
13% of white voters nationally said race was an important factor or
among the most important factors in their votes, and they
overwhelmingly favored Sen. Clinton.
CLINTON'S EXIT: WHEN PUSH CAME TO SHOVE
(Amie Parnes, Avi Zenilman and Ben Smith, Politico)
By the time the polls closed on Tuesday night and Barack Obama became the presumptive Democratic nominee, it was clear to many of them that Clinton had to drop out. After months of campaigning with her head down, the shift in pace and
direction was going to be abrupt, no matter how long she took to gather
her bearings. "She wanted a day or two to talk to her supporters," said a source
close to the Clinton campaign. "That was very important to her,
especially because she's been in a bubble." Yet she didn’t have that luxury, not after Tuesday’s speech, not after
failing to even acknowledge that Obama had reached the delegate
threshold necessary to claim the Democratic nomination. While her
Senate colleagues were willing to wait a few more days until her formal
exit, members of the House were intent on accelerating the end of her
campaign. She huddled at her Arlington headquarters Wednesday with top advisors,
discussing her diminished options and leaving supporters free to mount
a campaign on her behalf for the vice presidential nod. Even close
supporters were unsure what she was waiting for, beyond a chance to
clear her head, and all assumed she would be leaving the race within
days. But Clinton seemed to think she could postpone the inevitable, and had
her aides convene a pair of conference calls with Senate and House
supporters. Her message, a prominent supporter said, was to be: “Please
wait.”
FOR OBAMA, A TICKET TEST
(George Will, Washington Post)
Obama's choice of a running mate will be the first important
decision he makes with the whole country watching, so it will be a
momentous act of self-definition. If he chooses her, it will be an act
of self-diminishment, especially now that some of her acolytes are
aggressively suggesting that some unwritten rule of American politics
stipulates that anyone who finishes a strong second in the nomination
contest is entitled to second place on the ticket. Behind the idea that Obama should run in harness with Clinton is
this wobbly theory: Because the Republican Party is in such bad odor,
if you unify the Democratic Party, that will suffice to win the
election, and she is a necessary and sufficient catalyst of unity. But
she is neither. She would be a potent unifier of John McCain's party,
thereby setting the stage for exactly what the nation does not need,
another angry campaign of mere mobilization rather than persuasion. Surely she, the most polarizing Democrat, is not the only Democrat
who can help Obama appeal to the voters who rejected him in Kentucky
and West Virginia. And as his running mate, she would nullify his
narrative. The candidate embracing the "future" should not glue himself
to Washington circa 1993.