For our full analysis of Tom Ridge's chances, click here.
Who knew it would be so easy.
When Republican presidential nominee John McCain mentioned last week that he would consider choosing a pro-choice pol like Tom Ridge or Joe Lieberman as his running mate, the right side of the political spectrum went wild. "For those who have been anxiously awaiting
McCain's pick as a signal
of his ideological intentions," wrote the Politico's Jonathan Martin, "there was deep concern that their worst
fears about the Arizona senator may be realized." Phil Burress, head of the Ohio-based Citizens for Community
Values, said "that choice
will end his bid for the presidency and spell defeat for other
Republican candidates," while Burress's counterpart
in Michigan, James Muffett called it "the kiss of death." The general
consensus among the chatterati was that social conservatives are too suspicious of McCain's pro-life bona fides--after all, he did support federal funding for embryonic stem cell research--to accept anything less than a pro-life veep.
But
two developments over the weekend--when read in the proper historical
context--suggest that McCain's path to a pro-choice partner may not be
as perilous as the pundits (or evangelical activists) predict.
The
first came Saturday night during Rick Warren's forum on faith and
compassion at Saddleback Church in Lake Forest, Calif. When pastor
Rick, author of the multimillion-selling "Purpose-Driven Life" book
series, asked McCain to pinpoint when "a baby is entitled to human
rights," the Republican presidential nominee shot him a steely look and
muttered five magic words with all the grim moral gravity of Clint
Eastwood in full "Hang 'Em High" mode: "at the moment of conception."
With that, the heavens apparently parted and shafts of light shone down
on each and every evangelical in the audience, as McCain's answer,
according to on-scene reporters like Byron York of the National Review, instantaneously "settle[d] the concerns of social conservatives who have been rattled by
reports that he might be considering a pro-choice running mate."
You'd think from the rapturous response that McCain had made news. But no. Fact is, McCain always gives the "moment of conception" answer, and always
goes on to mention his "25-year pro-life record in the Congress" while
promising to be "a pro-life president," as he did Saturday night. Until
now, however, most voters haven't been paying much attention. In July,
for example, a Pew poll showed that 56 percent of the electorate didn't
know where McCain stood on abortion. When Pew asked the pro-lifers in
that subgroup to choose between Barack Obama and McCain, they chose the
former, 43 to 42 percent. But when that same slice of the populace was
informed that Obama was pro-choice and McCain pro-life, they sided with
the Republican 70 to 24 percent. Which suggests that, on the ground,
conservative skepticism about McCain--known to most voters as a
"maverick" and little else--is relatively soft. While vocal evangelical
activists may remain suspicious of McCain no matter what, rank-and-file
believers--like the thousands at Saddleback Saturday--may only need to
hear the candidate say that he believes the same things they do before
deciding that he's got their votes. "After Saturday night, even
Republicans most skeptical of McCain must conclude: 'Perhaps we aren't
doomed after all,'" wrote former George W. Bush speechwriter (and prominent evangelical) Michael Gerson. A few more emphatic pro-life statements at high-profile public events could go a long way.
The second development came on FOX News Sunday, where the
pro-choice Ridge played a little preemptive defense. Asked by host
Chris Wallace whether "the Republican Party would accept a pro-choice
running mate," the former Pennsylvania governor took pains to emphasize
his prospective boss's pro-life credentials--and emphasize how little
influence a pro-choice veep (whomever that could be) would have on the
McCain White House. "My friend of 25 years is passionately pro-life,"
Ridge said. "He is
also passionately a believer that the Republican Party must have a big
tent... [But ] he would have a strong pro-life administration. The vice
president is not an independent
voice. He echoes the position of the president of the United States…I
think that's the responsibility of the vice president. If you're
unwilling or unable to do that, then I think you should defer to
someone else." As I wrote last week, "McCain's veep [would have] ."
*And, in fact, there's emerging evidence that Crystal City is laying the groundwork for just such a pick. As Rich Lowry of the National Review reports, "the McCain campaign has been calling key
state GOP officials around the country the last couple of days and
sounding them out about the consequences of a pro-choice VP pick. The
campaign is asking about the reaction of conservative grass-roots
activists to such a pick and whether a pro-choicer can be sold to them." Lowry adds, correctly, that "this is an indication that the McCain campaign is serious about the
possibility of a pro-choice VP nominee and that McCain leaving the door
open to Tom Ridge last week may not have been merely a friendly nod to
a longtime supporter."*
The
reasons why are clear. If McCain can assuage evangelical doubts by
reaffirming his long-held pro-life views (as he did at Saddleback)
while simultaneously convincing conservatives that Ridge would have no
effect on the administration's abortion policy (as Ridge himself began
to do on FOX News Sunday), then the Arizona senator could be in very good
shape come November. By selecting Ridge as his running mate, McCain
would a) appeal to moderate swing voters, b) extend an olive branch to
pro-choice former Clintonistas dissatisfied with Obama, c) reinforce
his perceived edge over
the Democratic nominee in the experience and foreign-policy departments
and d) have a shot at competing in Pennsylvania--all without compromising
his conservative ideology. After all, Ridge's pro-choice position is about as restrictive as they come.
There's even an historical precedent for such a pick. When Ronald
Reagan chose George H.W. Bush as his running mate in 1980, the pro-life
community flipped. In the past, Bush had supported abortion
rights and opposed a constitutional amendment against abortion. But
Bush Sr. immediately reassured evangelicals, saying he
"whole-heartedly" embraced the 1980 Republican party
platform, which was unequivocally anti-abortion, even in cases of rape and
incest.
The pro-life Reagan went on to win the election--with an unprecedented two-thirds of the white evangelical vote.
*Added Aug. 19, 9:00 a.m.*
UPDATE, 5:03 p.m.: The smart counterargument, courtesy of reader not.Brit:
There's something very different about the Reagan/Bush election and
the McCain/Anybody election: Reagan was the root of the party's
enthusiasm, McCain is the comfortable bet. In 1980, Ronald Reagan could
have picked a can of soup as his running mate and it wouldn't have
effected the election, people were voting for Reagan. 2008 is wildly
different, and McCain's own campaigning shows it. Since McCain doesn't
inspire enthusiasm with the base (just do a quick search for McCain on
FreeRepublic and you'll get a sense of it), so instead, he's counting
on the base to vote AGAINST Obama. More to the point, the base is either going to vote AGAINST Obama or they simply aren't going to vote.