By Jeremy Herb

Americans don't get health reform. It's a complex, emotionally charged issue with legislation that's longer than the longest Harry Potter book. A CBS News poll last week found two thirds of Americans think the reform ideas proposed by President Obama are "confusing," and 60 percent say the president has not clearly explained his reform plans. In the past month, coverage of the debate over health-care reform has been dominated by screamers at town-hall meetings and false accusations that reform would create "death panels," leaving little room for discussion of the merits of proposed reforms.

But how much of the confusion has to do with how Obama has handled his reform message? Amid the language of "fixing a broken system," "extending coverage," and "unsustainable costs," the administration seems to have lost the public, especially those who are happy with their insurance. With a major speech to Congress set for Wednesday, Obama has one more chance to convert reform skeptics to reform advocates. Here are six things the president can do to help get public opinion on his side of the debate.

Counteract "death panels" with simple, memorable points. Sarah Palin's erroneous claim that Obama's legislation would lead to "death panels" spread like wildfire. Why? It was memorable and played to people's emotions. On a complex policy issue like health care, where debate can be intricate and dry, people seek "emotional shorthand," not intellectual engagement, says Chris Labash, a communications professor at Carnegie Mellon University. "I don't think anything as emotionally compelling [as death panels] has been surfaced by the administration, and certainly not a message as well crafted and consistently applied." Using memorable keywords and repeating them would build positive associations with health-care reform, Labash says, similar to the way Apple has made the public associate Macs with style and elegance. It's all about branding─something the Obama camp used to excel at.

Explain how reform will help you, the happily insured. Nearly everyone knows that one reason to pursue health-care reform is to help the 47 million uninsured. What's not clear is how the currently insured would benefit. Obama has focused on reforming the system, but the insured public isn't connecting his reforms with improving their care. "People are very interested in ‘What's in it for me and what do I potentially lose?' " says Stuart Altman, a professor of health policy at Brandeis. Obama has said reform won't alter things for those happy with their insurance, but many people don't understand how an overhaul of the system won't end up affecting them. Others aren't inspired to support reforms that won't change their own situation. Mark McClellan of the Brookings Institution suggests that the president should retool his message to explain that "the absence of reform is what's going to take away what we have now." If people believe that reform will keep them from being adversely affected, they're less likely to oppose it.

Make up his mind on the public option. First Obama was for the public option. Then he was sort of against it. Then he wasn't against it, but he wasn't exactly for it either. Whichever way the president wants to go, he needs to pick a side and stick with it. "The public option is still somewhat fuzzy. Every time he leaves something fuzzy, the opposition can get in and exploit it," says Dennis Ryan, chief creative officer of the advertising firm Element 79. Ambiguity about the public option has clouded the debate, overshadowing other aspects of reform important to the president, like the expansion of Medicaid. Through indecisiveness, Obama has allowed the public option to define the debate. If he stands firm on one side or the other, he can make his case more forcefully.

Tell Congress what should be in the bill. Early in the year, Obama laid out broad principles for reform but left Congress to hash out the details. Now there are several proposals circulating on the Hill. When Congress left for recess without a firm plan to support or oppose, members found themselves in the awkward position of not having concrete answers at feisty town-hall meetings. Voters got the impression that their representatives were simply equivocating, and when uncertainty reigns, it's easier for lies and rumors to circulate. With Congress returning from recess after a bruising break, a window is opening for Obama to assert his leadership. "If you come up with your own plan as the Clintons did, everyone says, ‘Oh, we don't like that plan, there's a better way to do it,' " says Robert Reischauer, president of the Urban Institute. "What you had to do was let [Congress] try, and let them realize how difficult it is," and then jump in with your own plan. It looks as if Congress might just be having that moment of realization now.

Bring back the campaign. Obama reached his peak popularity in campaign mode, organizing millions of supporters with text-message and e-mail updates. His campaign utilized all the available tools─social-media sites like Facebook, traditional media, blogs─to get his message out, with extraordinary discipline. On health care, that discipline seems like a thing of the past, with advisers sending out mixed messages and congressional Democrats bickering over almost every aspect of reform. Message discipline across the party could alleviate voter confusion and strengthen Obama's position considerably. He also needs to fire up his boots-on-the-ground operation, demonstrating support for his efforts in communities across the country. Fortunately, the Obama campaign's extensive database of supporters still exists through Organizing for America, which has begun quietly mobilizing, holding rallies and a bus tour. Watch for it to become a louder voice in September.

Inject that race-speech mojo into the health-care speech. Back in the Democratic primaries, Obama supporters feared that clips of the Rev. Jeremiah Wright splattered across televisions would derail his candidacy. Then he gave "the speech." His erudite reflections on race in America framed the debate on Wright, and framing (or reframing) is something Obama desperately needs to do for health care, too. "He needs to walk into the lion's den and charm the lion. There's no other way out," says Eric Hirshberg, president and chief creative officer of the ad agency Deutsch Los Angeles. "This is what he did so brilliantly over and over again during the election." Obama's race speech was effective, Hirshberg says, because it addressed the issue head on, powerfully and eloquently presenting his point of view. Wednesday is perhaps his last chance to re-create that mojo, and win over a public weary and confused about his health reforms.